Tag Archives: Israel

India-Israel Bilateral Agreements to Boost Indian Higher Education Sector

India and Israel’s bilateral cooperation is likely to boost collaboration between in the field of higher education and research observes Hriday Ch Sarma for Elets News Network (ENN).

At present, India and Israel are enhancing their political and economic allies. The cooperation between them is steadfastly increasing not only in the area of defence cooperation, but in an array of sectors, such as agriculture, water, cyber security, oil & gas and so on. This is really commendable considering the fact that the friendship between the two historic nations is just two and half decades old.

For this new found friendship to unceasingly continue in the future, a solid foundation needs to be created that intricately binds people from both sides. There is, of course, no magic band for this to happen; however, dedicated collaboration in the field of higher education can act as a tool for the pursuit of common goals among the younger generations from both countries. This in turn will shape a common destiny for the two countries in the emerging world order.

Israel presents ample scope for learning of new and advanced subjects, including but not limited to microbiology, nanotechnology, business management and information security, to Indian students.  The country has state-of-art education institutes and research centres that are ranked among the best in the world. The most famous among them are: Weizmann Institute of Science, established in 1934, a multidisciplinary public research university offering high academic degrees in the fields of natural and exact sciences; Hebrew University of Jerusalem (also known as HUJI) that serves around 23,000 students from around the world in its 7 faculties and 14 schools; and Tel Aviv University, the largest public university in the country, offers 125 schools and departments across the spectrum of sciences, humanities and arts- qualifying as the most comprehensive institution of higher learning and research in Israel.

In addition to the aforesaid ones, the country has also numerous education and research institutes that are excelling in their respective areas of studies, some even at the international level. Sheba Medical Centre (Tel Ha’shomer), the biggest medical centre in the country, has three hospitals that offer more than 60 programs for medical professionals: doctors, nurses and administrators. The students pursing courses here gain practical experience and “on the job training”. Aharon Ofri Centre (Kibbutz Ramat Rachel), a collaboration of Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Israeli Ministry of Education, offers diverse educational courses for teachers from all around the world. Here course participants can get trained in: curriculum development, establishing educational systems in rural areas, technology embedding in schools and classes, social rehabilitation of neighbourhoods and drug abuse prevention. The list of such institutes is a long one, which also includes Israeli College for Security and Investigations (Jerusalem), Centre of International Agriculture Development Cooperation (Rehovot), Arava International Trainee Centre (Sapir) and Golda Meir Training Centre (Haifa) as ranked among the Avant grade.

Israel offers range of scholarships exclusively for Indian students to not just come and study there; but also enable them to gain understanding of the local culture as it really is.The Government of Israel offers 7 scholarships (2 scholarship for study of Hebrew language and 5 for academic research) annually as a part of the Cultural Agreements between Israel and India. This scholarship is categorized under two categories: 1/ For Masters and PhD Programmes, 2/ For Post Doctorate and Research Programmes. Moreover, the Israeli Council of Higher Education has been offering annual post-doctoral fellowships to about 100 students from India and China since 2012.

Israel is keen to develop joint research projects and academic studies with India for it sees the immense manpower potential in the latter. India, on its part, is trying to equally gesticulate by encouraging Israeli academics as well as businessmen to set up lasting ventures that could be mutually benefiting. Already the Indian government has set up a $40 million joint fund with Israel for research and development in innovation. Moreover, private education institutes in India, such as O.P. Jindal University and Indian Institute of Management Bangalore, have joined the bandwagonof strategic bilateral partnership by initiating their own Israel studies centres.

So, it is now up to the young minds in India to grab a pie for themselves from among the endless possibilities of excellence that Israel is offering at the moment!

This article originally appeared on digitalLEARNING Magazine.

Contributed by Jawaharlal Nehru University CAMERA Fellow Hriday Sarma.

It’s Time to Raise Our Expectations

A Jewish security guard is in critical condition after a 24 year-old Palestinian man stabbed him in the chest. The footage of the attack is graphic and difficult to watch.

Since President Trump’s decision Wednesday to recognize Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, Palestinian and Arab leaders have responded with threats of violence and outright incitement.

“The ball of fire will roll until an intifada will break out,” said Hamas leader Salah al-Bardawil. Another senior Hamas official has called for an intifada “in the face of the Zionist enemy.” As a reminder, the last intifada took the lives of more than 1,100 Israelis.

In an interview with the New York Times, one Palestinian student said “The Palestinians will unite and raise hell.” Unsurprisingly, calls to violence beget violence.

It has been this fear of violence that has prompted policy experts, world leaders, and other government officials to condemn the move by the Trump administration. Who can blame them? They have seen the same violent response time and again. They are merely relaying the information they have acquired after years of observing the conflict; that any perceived “change” to the status quo will result in violence.

Jews praying at the Western Wall in Jerusalem in the 19th century. Source: Pinterest

Of course, the move is not really a change to the status quo. West Jerusalem has been the capital of Israel since 1948, and a bill reaffirming a unified Jerusalem as Israel’s capital was passed in 1980. The Jewish people have seen Jerusalem as their spiritual capital since ancient times. Bipartisan US governments since President Clinton have endorsed moving the US embassy to Jerusalem. In the hands of Israel, Jerusalem has given all three Abrahamic traditions (Islam, Christianity, and Judaism) the ability to worship freely. In an attempt to conflate a political issue with a religious issue, many across the Arab world have been fed the narrative that the Jews wish to “Judaize” Jerusalem. Time and again, archaeological finds have confirmed ancient Jewish roots in Jerusalem and Jews have constituted the largest ethnic group [in Jerusalem] since 1820. “Judaizing Jerusalem” is an oxymoron.

Rather than confronting the issue of incitement to violence, the most serious (and obvious) obstacle to peace, the world has infantilized the Palestinian government and its people, and accepted the notion that violence is an appropriate means of venting political frustration. It is patronizing to hold any group to a different moral standard than one holds themselves to. We would never attempt to defend murder or hate crimes in our own countries. Why then would we attempt to do so on behalf of the Palestinians?

Incitement on Palestinian social media to encourage Palestinians to commit stabbing attacks

The only way to justify the morality of an action is to measure it against one’s own sense of morality. If, under any other conditions, or in any other location, Molotov cocktails, rocket fire, attacks on Jewish (not Israeli) establishments in Amsterdam and Sweden, and stabbing attacks violate our moral compass, then it is imperative that we hold those who carry out these attacks responsible for their actions and perhaps more importantly, condemn those who incite these attacks from the safety and comfort of their desks.

A Palestinian hands out candy in the streets to celebrate the murder of an Israeli by a Palestinian attacker.

The complexity of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is undeniable. Solving the issues of the conflict require us to elevate our expectations of the Palestinians. Violence is antithetical to peace. It is time we responded to incitement as though we believed this fact to be true.

Contributed by Liel Asulin, Campus Coordinator for CAMERA.

The Struggle for Kurdish Independence

CAMERA Fellow Danielle Adler.

During the Kurdish referendum in September 2017, Israeli flags flew high alongside Kurdish national flags. It isn’t a common image for Israeli flags to be seen in Iraqi territory. As the Kurdish people continue to fight for sovereignty, it parallels a similar story that played out several decades prior: the creation of the state of Israel.

The Kurdish independence movement is a long and complicated history. I am presenting a broad overview of some of the more recent events and in no way do I seek to undermine the long withstanding plight of the Kurdish nation.

The year 2005 marked the first major unofficial referendum for Kurdish independence and gave a near 98% favorability. Fast-forward to 2014 when an official national referendum was to take place, but was delayed due to on setting threats from ISIS.

Ensuing years of fighting united Iraqi and Kurdish forces in pushing Islamic State forces out of the region. Liberating Iraqi stronghold Mosul enabled Kurdish officials to refocus attention toward the referendum.

September 25, 2017 was declared the official voting date by Kurdish President Masoud Barzani and other Kurdish leaders and results flooded in with a 93% favorability. Kurds celebrated across the Middle East as the right to return finally became a near reality.

Yet three months later, it seems just as far away.

Photo: Ivor Prickett for NYT.

During the Kurdish referendum in September 2017, Israeli flags flew high alongside Kurdish national flags. It isn’t a common image for Israeli flags to be seen in Iraqi territory. As the Kurdish people continue to fight for sovereignty, it parallels a similar story that played out several decades prior: the creation of the state of Israel.

The Kurdish independence movement is a long and complicated history. I am presenting a broad overview of some of the more recent events and in no way do I seek to undermine the long withstanding plight of the Kurdish nation.

The year 2005 marked the first major unofficial referendum for Kurdish independence and gave a near 98% favorability. Fast-forward to 2014 when an official national referendum was to take place, but was delayed due to on setting threats from ISIS.

Ensuing years of fighting united Iraqi and Kurdish forces in pushing Islamic State forces out of the region. Liberating Iraqi stronghold Mosul enabled Kurdish officials to refocus attention toward the referendum.

September 25, 2017 was declared the official voting date by Kurdish President Masoud Barzani and other Kurdish leaders and results flooded in with a 93% favorability. Kurds celebrated across the Middle East as the right to return finally became a near reality.

Yet two months later, it seems just as far away.

National Iraqi military presence has since been increased in Kurdish, strategic cities near Mosul and Dahuk. Kurds were mandated to handover their two international airports. Iran has stationed military tanks and closed its open borders with the Kurds. This rapid military mobilization from opponents proves their unsettling fear of Kurdish sovereignty.

Kurds migrating into this new nation from across the region could spur mass political and economic destabilization. However, the right of return is not a foreign concept to the Middle East. Nearly seven decades ago, the Jewish people found their refuge by establishing Israel.

Throughout modern history, the Jewish people witnessed horrific genocide, persecution, and alienation around the world. In 1948, the United Nations spearheaded efforts for acknowledging a Jewish homeland and establishing the state of Israel. Israel has proven resilient in the face of neighborly unrest, whether it is through war or terrorism. Israel has defied many of the odds stacked against it.

Amid geopolitical tension, Israel remains an innovation and technology hub, advances its military capabilities, promotes international humanitarian work, and prospers as a thriving democracy.

Israel’s strength is a living testimony to the classic David and Goliath story. Its success can be a guide to a viable future for a Kurdish state. Efforts for Kurdish sovereignty are a clear indication of the continued right to self-determination and nation state building.

Contributed by University of North Carolina CAMERA Fellow and member of CAMERA-supported group Heels for Israel Danielle Adler.


Ambassador Dennis Ross on the 2000 Clinton Parameters

No one’s been closer than Ambassador Dennis Ross to pulling off what President Trump described as the “ultimate deal” — a peace agreement between Israelis and Palestinians. During the fateful days of the Camp David Summit in July 2000, it was Ross — then U.S. envoy to the Middle East — who nearly brought Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak and Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat all the way to ending one of the world’s longest-running conflicts. Ross wheedled the opposing leaders and hammered out contentious particulars, learning more about the contours of the conflict and its players than perhaps anyone else on earth. His work to bring about Israeli–Palestinian peace spanned the tenures of former Presidents George H.W. Bush, Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, and his fingerprints are on every diplomatic development that has transpired in Israel in the past 25 years.


So it was with considerable excitement that 150 students and community members filed into Salomon 001 last Thursday for the event with Ross, titled “The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Then and Now,” hosted by Brown Students for Israel in partnership with the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs. Ross began by casting the Israeli–Palestinian situation as a fundamentally territorial struggle between two national movements, both of which were legitimate and worthy of fulfillment. “There are two rights, not a right and wrong,” he emphasized as the guiding principal of his peacemaking efforts. In recognizing this, Ross exposed the illogic of trying to boycott or “punish” Israel out of frustration that the conflict hasn’t yet ended. Lasting peace in the region won’t come from punitive measures against Israel, but from diplomatic compromises that the Palestinian Authority has thus far not been amenable to.

As an audience member at the event, I asked Ross if peace talks in 2000 met the Palestinians’ needs, and he replied unequivocally that they did. He explained that the Clinton Parameters — guidelines he authored that specified the concessions the two parties would make — provided for the Palestinians to receive 95 percent of the West Bank, the entire Gaza Strip and control over the Arab parts of Jerusalem over the course of six years, as well as financial help establishing state institutions.

But the Palestinian leadership summarily rejected the proposal. I pressed him further about the nature of the rejection, noting that many Palestinians claim that Israel’s offer was not really generous at all and would have left them with a disjointed state that lacked physical autonomy and economic independence. Ross, who was intimately involved in drafting what would become the Israeli offer, answered that these allegations were “nonsense” — myths created after the fact to justify the Palestinian position. As the Clinton Parameters outlined, the West Bank would have been connected to Gaza via an elevated highway and railroad, and a $30 billion fund would have been created to support Palestinian refugees.

I continued: If Israel’s spurned offer was generous, is there any reason — other than wishful thinking — to believe that an agreement can be reached in the future? Indeed, Ross conceded, Israel would likely be less able and willing to offer the Palestinians as much as it did in the Clinton Parameters due to the threats to Israeli security posed by the growing instability of Israel’s neighbors.

Photo Source: Israel Matzav Blogger

In my view, there are only three logical explanations as to why the Palestinians rejected the Clinton Parameters in 2000. First, maybe the deal met the needs of the Palestinian people, but the leadership was short-sighted or mistaken and turned it down anyway. Second, the deal may have been flat-out unfair or inadequate, making the Palestinians right to reject it. Or third, perhaps the Palestinians had not yet come to terms with Israel’s permanence, and therefore they believed that they could simply outlast Israel and get all the land.

Ross emphatically refuted the second option, explaining that Israel made wide-ranging concessions on a number of critical issues. Seeing as he was there in 2000, I’m inclined to defer to his assessment. Ross also dismissed the third option, citing polls that show popular support on both sides for the two-state solution. Indeed, he believes that both Israelis and Palestinians truly desire a two-state solution, but are skeptical that it can actually happen, decreasing the likelihood that politicians make risky compromises.

So that leaves the first option as the correct explanation. Of course, if it is Palestinian diplomacy that is responsible for the peace logjam, then coercion aimed at Israel makes no sense. This is so, no matter how much one detests Israel’s policies in the West Bank and Gaza or sympathizes with the Palestinians. Israel acquired the West Bank and Gaza in 1967 during a war, and can cede them only through a diplomatic settlement. Whenever a country exercises military control over a civilian population, it is sometimes compelled to engage in practices that are repressive and damaging to civilians. Israel is no exception, though its respect for civilian life compares quite favorably when stacked against other countries. The obvious solution is Palestinian self-government, but that cannot happen without a diplomatic agreement. And in 2000, the Palestinian Authority was unwilling to even negotiate over Israel’s offer more than 95 percent of the West Bank within six years (everything minus the most built-up settlements and non-negotiable security zones), Gaza and compensatory land-swaps from its sovereign territory. It is difficult to imagine what more Israel could have conceded.

There’s nothing intrinsically wrong with boycotting a country whose behavior you find objectionable. But if a boycott or punishment is to be productive, the boycotters have to state clearly how they’d like the country to reform itself, and such expectations have to be reasonable and practicable. Otherwise, the punishment has no just goal and serves only to impoverish a civilian population. “End the occupation” is a stirring and emotionally-appealing talking point, and may sound eminently reasonable. But without a negotiated plan for what is to succeed Israeli rule in the West Bank — something that can happen only with the participation of a recalcitrant Palestinian leadership — it’s just that: a talking point. It is inconceivable for a country to yield territory without assurances that it won’t regret doing so. Punishing Israel for the torpor of the Palestinian Authority would be like rewarding intentional handballs with penalty kicks.

This article was originally published in Brown’s campus paper The Brown Daily Herald.

Contributed by Brown CAMERA Fellow Jared Samilow.

Intersectional Zionism: Why “Progressive Zionist” is not a Contradiction

CAMERA Fellow Nadiya Al-Noor.

For many of today’s mainstream progressives, opposing the Jewish State is part of a complete breakfast. In order to be progressive, we must stand against the racist Zionist agenda. At least, that’s what we have been taught. But if you take the time to look deeper, you might be surprised to find that progressivism and Zionism are closely intertwined. I know I was.

What is Zionism? At its core, Zionism is the Jewish liberation movement. It is the movement for self-determination of the Hebrews in their indigenous homeland. Modern Zionism was developed in the 19th century, though Jewishness has always been intricately linked to Jerusalem and the surrounding land, and a Jewish community, though small, remained in the land without end. The Jewish State is an example for all indigenous peoples, like the Kurds; a hope of what could be.

Zionism is not a monolith. It doesn’t mean you have to support a particular political party. It doesn’t mean you have to agree with everything the Israeli government does. It doesn’t mean you have to hate Muslims or convert to Judaism. It doesn’t mean you cannot support a two-state solution, or the Palestinian right to self-determination. It just means that you support an indigenous people’s right to self-determination in their historical homeland. And that is an inherently progressive belief.

Members of the Zioness Movement, a progressive Zionist organization at the March for Racial Justice sister rally in New York this fall.

To read the rest of this article, please visit https://www.bupipedream.com/prism/89253/auto-draft-251/

Contributed by Binghamton University CAMERA Fellow Nadiya Al-Noor.

This article has since been published in Binghamton University campus paper BU Pipe Dream.

Israel’s Defense Network

The following interview with International Campus Director Aviva Slomich was originally published in Hebrew in Israeli media outlets Israel Hayom, NRG, and Makor Rishon. CAMERA is featured in the story “Israel’s Defense Network” which showcases nine organizations working hard to counter the BDS campaign.

Aviva Slomich, International Campus Director for CAMERA

International Campus Director for CAMERA Aviva Slomich. Photo: Arik Sultan

The organization, whose name stands for the Committee for Accuracy in Middle-East Reporting in America, is active at over 80 universities, with Jewish and non-Jewish students who wish to support Israel, and are ready to deal with the forces that spread lies against Israel on campuses. In addition, the organization exposes lies and distortions about Israel in the framework of ‘media criticism’.

Seniority in the struggle: 35 years.

Countries and regions of operation: USA, Canada, Britain, Ireland and Israel.

An Israeli personality that every BDS activist has to meet?

“Salim Joubran- the Supreme court judge, who was amongst the three judges in the court that rejected Moshe Katsav’s appeal and sent an Israeli president to jail. He completely rejects the claims of the boycott movement, such as the one that Israel is an apartheid state. If Israel truly was an apartheid state, an Arab judge couldn’t have sent a Jewish president to prison”.

What is the most effective way to fight BDS?

“To assure that Israel’s voice will be heard on campus by educated Zionists, who educate others about Israel and expose the anti-Israel bias of professors and groups that defame Israelis.”

Fellows in Focus: Samantha Goodman

Samantha Goodman is a third-year Journalism student at Carleton University. She enjoys writing, reading and getting together with friends as well as meeting new people. She is active in many groups on campus including the Israeli Awareness Committee, the school newspaper the Charlatan, the Conservative group and the Mental Health Champions. She hopes to bring back the belief that journalists do fair and accurate reporting and eliminate fake news!

CAMERA Fellow Samantha Goodman.

Defining the Campus Debate on Israel

At CAMERA’s 2017 Student Leadership Conference, young activists from around the world came together to learn about making a positive difference for Israel on campus. With 13 countries represented, we had a variety of perspectives contributing to constructive discussions.

Speaking to students from countless different campuses at the conference was also a chance to reflect on the collective successes in London from my own perspective. To many internationally, our year in London may have seemed as if it was filled with attacks and intimidation. However, despite the violent protest facing Hen Mazzig when he came to speak at University College London (UCL) in October 2016, we continued on with our programming for the year as normal. We did not let the actions of extreme, divisive anti-Zionist activists overshadow our efforts to make constructive changes to the situation on campus. We continued to hold events and start initiatives, including reaching out to new students. During Israel Apartheid week, we actively went about starting conversations with hundreds of students in London, beginning with falafel and cake but ending in positive dialogue and even new friendships.

British and Irish students in Boston at the Student Leadership Conference in August.

At hostile events, like when UCL Friends of Palestine hosted renowned anti-Zionist academic Ilan Pappe, we proactively started conversations to represent our own opinions. Pappe and other speakers used snide remarks, conspiracy theories and intimidation to convince the audience that Zionism was a racist endeavour. After the event, students stayed behind for hours to talk to us, as they were curious to hear a perspective which even they realised hadn’t been equally represented at the event. However, if we had not attended the event to show our outrage at the way we were mis-represented, the students could have left with a very different impression. Our greatest successes this past academic year have been when we take initiative and go out to speak to others and represent ourselves.

The CAMERA conference was also an opportunity to hear from other inspiring students who had great success on their campuses over the past academic year. The theme of the conference above all was that Israel activism is not just about taking a defensive position- but rather, about actively educating others. Even on campuses in the US where BDS campaigns have yet to spring up, students are taking proactive action by creating new Israel groups with the support of CAMERA.  When you initiate the conversation about Israel on campus, you can create a positive representation of Israeli society, as well as opening up opportunities for dialogue on neutral terms. In the UK, we are often too worried about bringing up the topic of Israel on campuses where the Palestinian society is dormant, for fear of the backlash it could have for Jewish students. However, now more than ever, the atmosphere is right for spearheading proactive discussion about Israel.

On British campuses, students of today are tiring of a focus on radical activities which discredit university politics as a minefield of extreme activists focusing on irrelevant issues. Tom Harwood’s strong contention for the NUS presidency and growing political movements for freedom of speech show that things are changing on UK campuses. Students want to be able to discuss issues in a civilised manner without descending into either radical boycott campaigns or excessive political correctness. We should use this opportunity to show that engaging with Israel in student politics is not about polarised debates and violent protests. It is about creating dialogue and a positive atmosphere for debate and engagement with the Middle East on campus.

We now have a unique opportunity to change the way student debates are framed by making civil conversations a highlight of our activity. Last academic year, we got past the fear of making people feel uncomfortable with our Zionist identities. We approached Zionism as it is, a legitimate movement for the national self-determination of the Jewish people.

This year, we must continue to define the debate on our own terms.

Contributed by UK Campus Associate Tamara Berens.

This article was originally published in Jewish News.

Meet Ben Suster: Current Campus Coordinator, Former CAMERA Fellow

Prior to the summer of 2014, CAMERA campus coordinator Ben Suster was politically indifferent towards Israel. Although he had been there multiple times before to visit family and participate in programs, this trip was different. He landed a few days before the bodies of the three murdered yeshiva boys were found and was in Israel for the duration of Operation Protective Edge. The rocket attacks from Gaza resulted in hundreds of thousands of Israelis living in bomb shelters and makeshift bunkers. In Sderot, a missile landed 2 kilometers away from where he was. He attended soldier’s funerals and spent much time underground. This was an eye opening experience for Ben.Initially, the basis of his support for Israel came from his American Israeli background, but after living in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and Sderot during the operation he became invested in fighting for what he now considered his home.

When he returned to the United States, he learned that Israel was not only being attacked militarily, but also assaulted verbally on his college campus and in the media. He started teaching himself about the history of Israel and the conflict, and felt invested in combatting media bias and anti-Israel sentiment at his university.

Ben started working with the pro-Israel group on campus and eventually became the president of the CAMERA-supported  group Knights for Israel at the University of Central Florida. As a group, they worked a lot with CAMERA to plan successful events. The club put together campaigns in response to Israel apartheid week and, most importantly, the members grew into leaders.

Now, as a campus coordinator for the tri state area and Canada, Ben travels to schools throughout the year and helps students by providing them with the resources they need to improve their group, execute successful events, and gives advice based on his personal experiences.

He has spoken at countless events, such as fundraisers, Chabad Shabbatons, and educational events for college and high school students, as well as invested parents. His speeches are based on how CAMERA helped him grow into an Israel educator, and how students can become a strong influence on their campus.

Ben shares what he and Knights for Israel accomplished, creating leaders who prepared and hosted events that attracted a wide range of students, half of whom were not Jewish.

Most importantly, he focuses on how the media poorly represents Israel, creates myths and misinformation and how this parallels the atmosphere on college campuses across the world today. He believes anyone can provide input on why BDS is bad, but he focuses on why empowering the students to educate about and defend Israel is the most important thing.

Contributed by CAMERA Intern Ilana Sperling.

Leadership Training and Teambuilding at ORU

Last semester in February, CAMERA-supported group ORU United for Israel hosted its first day-long intensive Team-Building and Leadership Training day. The event was held on campus in one of the group’s favorite meeting places. Catered food was provided by CAMERA for lunch.

The purpose of the training session was to educate and equip ORU United for Israel to be the best Israel advocates as possible. Some of the topics explored by the group included what it means to advocate for Israel, biblical Israel advocacy, college study tips and habits of success, getting to know your Israel club team mates, and learning about the group’s partner organizations, including CAMERA on Campus.

Following the event, Connie Hammond, outgoing president of ORU United for Israel said, “Every moment was filled with fellowship, laughter, and building each other up, UFI style! We are one fun club with focus, drive, and ambition to see Israel supported and Jesus glorified. Dream team right here! We inspire each other!”